Cleo a écrit :Et si ça intéresse quelqu'un j'ai ce livre à vendre
http://revolution-nationale.over-blog.c ... 14490.html
Kevin
Français, vous avez la mémoire courte!
Re: Français, vous avez la mémoire courte!
http://revolution-nationale.over-blog.c ... 14490.html
Kevin
"Les racines de l'apostasie moderne réside dans l'athéisme scientifique, le matérialisme dialectique, rationalisme, illuminisme, la laïcité et la franc-maçonnerie, qui est la mère de tous." - Pape Pie XII -
Re: Français, vous avez la mémoire courte!
"Les racines de l'apostasie moderne réside dans l'athéisme scientifique, le matérialisme dialectique, rationalisme, illuminisme, la laïcité et la franc-maçonnerie, qui est la mère de tous." - Pape Pie XII -
Re: Français, vous avez la mémoire courte!
"Les racines de l'apostasie moderne réside dans l'athéisme scientifique, le matérialisme dialectique, rationalisme, illuminisme, la laïcité et la franc-maçonnerie, qui est la mère de tous." - Pape Pie XII -
Re: Français, vous avez la mémoire courte!
Signature de Marechal dans le charte du travail en Novembre 1941
Kevin
Kevin
"Les racines de l'apostasie moderne réside dans l'athéisme scientifique, le matérialisme dialectique, rationalisme, illuminisme, la laïcité et la franc-maçonnerie, qui est la mère de tous." - Pape Pie XII -
Re: Français, vous avez la mémoire courte!
MD12 a écrit :Cleo a écrit :Et si ça intéresse quelqu'un j'ai ce livre à vendre
http://revolution-nationale.over-blog.c ... 14490.html
Kevin
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Re: Français, vous avez la mémoire courte!
MARSHAL PETAIN'S ADDRESS TO THE FRENCH PEOPLE
Vichy, France, August 12, 1941
[New York Times, August 13, 1941.]
FRENCHMEN!
I have grave things to tell you!
For the last several weeks I have felt an ill wind rising in many regions of France. Disquiet is overtaking minds; doubt is gaining control of spirits. The authority of my government is made the subject of discussion; orders are often being ill executed.
In an atmosphere of false rumors and intrigues, the forces of reconstruction are growing discouraged. Others are trying to take their place without their nobleness or disinterestedness. My sponsorship is too often involved, even against the government, to justify self-styled undertakings of salvation which, in fact, amount to nothing more than appeals for indiscipline.
A real uneasiness inflicts the French nation. The reasons for this uneasiness are easy to understand. Cruel hours are always followed by difficult times.
While at the frontiers of the nation--which defeat has put out of action but whose empire leaves her vulnerable--the war goes on, ravaging new continents every day, everybody wonders with anguish about the future of our country.
Some feel themselves betrayed; others think they are abandoned. Some wonder where their duty lies; others first seek their own interest.
The London radio and certain French newspapers add to this confusion of minds. The sense of national interest in the end loses in justice and vigor. From this disorder of ideas springs disorder of affairs. Is this, indeed, the fate France has deserved after thirteen months of calm, of work, of incontestable revival?
Frenchmen, I put this question to you. I ask you to measure its scope and answer it in the confines of your consciences.
Our relations with Germany have been defined by an armistice convention tile character of which could only be provisional. Dragging out this situation makes it that much harder to support in so far as it governs relations between two great nations.
As for collaboration--offered in the month of October, 1940, by the Chancellor of the Reich under conditions that made me appreciate their deference--it was a long-term labor and has not yet been able to bear all its fruits.
We must be able to overcome a heavy heritage of distrust handed down by centuries of dissensions and quarrels and to turn ourselves toward broad perspectives that can open up a reconciled continent to our activity.
That is the goal toward which we are heading; but it is an immense labor, which requires on our part as much will as it does patience. Other tasks absorb the German Government, gigantic tasks in developments to the east in defense of a civilization and which can change the map of the world.
As regards Italy, our relations likewise are controlled by an armistice convention. Here again our desires are to escape from these provisional relations to create more stable ties without which the European order cannot be constructed.
I would also recall to the great American republic the reasons why it has no cause to fear a decline of French ideals. Certainly our parliamentary democracy is dead, but it never had more than a few traits in common with the democracy of the United States. As for the instinct of liberty, it still lives within us, proud and strong.
The American press has often misjudged us. Let it now make an effort to comprehend the quality of our souls and the destiny of a nation whose soil, through the course of history has been periodically ravaged, whose youth has been decimated, whose well being has been troubled by the fragility of a Europe in whose reconstruction France intends today to participate.
Our domestic difficulties have sprung above all from troubled minds, from lack of men and from scarcity of products.
Troubled minds do not have as their sole origin the vicissitudes of our foreign policy. They come especially from our slowness in building a new order or, more correctly, in imposing one. The National Revolution, which I outlined in my message last Oct. 11, has not yet taken its place among accomplished facts.
It has not yet forced its way through because between the people and me--who understand one another so well--there has risen a double screen of partisans of the old regime and those serving the trusts.
The troops of the old regime are legion. I rank among them without exception all who place their personal interests ahead of the permanent interests of the State--Freemasonry, political parties deprived of clientele but thirsting for a comeback, officials attached to an order of which they were beneficiaries and masters--or those who have subordinated the interests of the Fatherland to foreign interests.
A long wait will be needed to overcome the resistance of all these opponents of the new order, but we must start in now to smash their undertakings by decimating their leaders.
If France did not understand that she was condemned by the impact of events to change her regime, then she would see open up before her the abyss in which Spain of 1936 just missed being swallowed and from which she was saved only by faith, youth and sacrifice.
As for the power of the trusts, it is trying to reassert itself, using for its own ends the institution of Committees of Economic Organization. These committees were created, however, to rectify the errors of capitalism. They had in addition the purpose of entrusting responsible men with necessary authority to negotiate with Germany and assure equitable distribution of raw materials indispensable to our factories.
The choice of members for these committees was difficult. It was not always possible to find impartiality and competence united within the same minds. These provisional bodies created under the sway of a pressing need have been too numerous, too centralized and too unwieldy. The big corporations assumed too much authority and often inadmissible control.
In the light of experience, I shall correct the work I have undertaken, and I shall renew against a selfish and blind capitalism that struggle which the sovereigns of France waged and won against feudalism. I shall see to it that France is rid of the most despicable tutelage, that of money.
Irresponsible trade organizations, governed by commercial considerations, have too long been directing our food supply. I already have taken sanctions and struck at an entire system in the person of a single man: that of national distribution centers which have assured the great commercial agents exclusive and usurious control of all questions of food supply to the detriment of producer and consumer.
We are still suffering, but I do not wish our suffering displayed in front of the scandal of fortunes built out of the general misery. It would be all the more revolting, inasmuch as this nation has in the past year accomplished an immense labor, despite privations of all kinds and under the most difficult conditions.
I have in mind our farmers, who, without laborers, without fertilizer, without sulphate, have succeeded in obtaining results better than those of the year before. I have in mind the miners, who have worked without respite night and day to obtain coal for us. I have in mind all those workers who return from work only to find fireless homes and meagerly set tables.
It is thanks to their unceasing efforts that the life of the country has been able to be maintained, despite defeat. It is with them and through them that we will be able tomorrow to build a France free, powerful and prosperous. Let them wait with me for better times. The trials of France will have an end.
As for the lack of man power, that is due above all to the absence of those who are prisoners. As long as more than a million Frenchmen, comprising the young and vigorous elements of the nation and the best section of its elite, remain outside of the country's activities, it will be difficult to build a new and lasting edifice. Their return will make it possible to fill the great gap from which we suffer. Their spirit, strengthened by camp life, matured by long reflection, will become the best cement of the National Revolution.
And yet, in spite of these difficulties the future of our country is being built with a precision that becomes more assured every day.
The family, communities, trades, provinces will be pillars of the constitution at which the best workers for our reconstruction are laboring tirelessly. Its preamble will open up clear perspectives for the future of France.
Our most recent reforms are being made the object of methodical revision, the outline of which will appear clearer as soon as legislative texts have been simplified and codified.
But lawmaking and building are not enough. Governing is needed. It is both the necessity and the will of the whole people.
France cannot really be governed except from Paris. I cannot yet return there, and I shall not return there until certain facilities are offered me.
France cannot be governed except without the assent of public opinion--an assent more necessary than ever in the authoritarian regime.
This public opinion is today divided. France cannot be governed unless the initiative of her chief finds corresponding exactness and faithfulness in the bodies transmitting it. This exactness and faithfulness are still lacking.
France, however, cannot wait. A nation like ours, forged in the crucible of races and passions, proud and courageous, as ready for sacrifice as for violence and ever bristling when its honor is at stake, needs certainties, space and discipline.
The government's problem thus goes far beyond the framework of a simple ministerial change. It demands above all the unqualified maintenance of certain principles.
Authority no longer emanates from below. The only authority is that which I entrust or delegate.
I delegated it in the first place to Admiral Darlan, to whom public opinion has not always been favorable or fair, but who has ever helped me with loyalty and courage.
I have given him the Ministry of National Defense in order that he may exercise more direct control on all our land, sea and air forces.
To my government I shall leave the necessary initiative, but in various fields I intend to trace for it a very clear line. This is what I have decided:
1. Activity of political parties and groups of political origin is suspended until further notice in the unoccupied zone. These parties may no longer hold either public or private meetings. They must cease any distribution of tracts or notices. Those that fail to conform to these decisions will be dissolved.
2. Payment of Members of Parliament is suppressed as of Sept. 30.
3. The first disciplinary sanctions against State officials guilty of false declarations regarding membership in secret societies has been ordered. The names of officials have been published this morning in the Journal Officiel Holders of high Masonic degrees--of which the first list has just been published--may no longer exercise any public function.
4. The Legion of War Veterans remains the best instrument in the free zone of the National Revolution. But it is able to carry out its civil task only by remaining in all ranks subordinate to the government.
5. I will double the means of police action, whose discipline and loyalty should guarantee public order.
6. A group of Commissars of Public Power is created. These high officials will be charged with studying the spirit in which the laws, decrees, orders and instructions of the central power will be carried out. They will have the mission of ferreting out and destroying obstacles which abuse of the rules of administrative routine or activity of secret societies can oppose to the work of National Revolution.
7. Powers of regional prefects, the first units of those who will be Governors of provinces in the France of tomorrow, will be reenforced. Their power, so far as the central administration is concerned, is increased. Their authority over all heads of local services is direct and complete.
8. The labor charter designed to regulate, according to the principles of my St. Etienne speech, relations among workers, artisans, technicians and employers in an agreement reached with mutual understanding, has resulted in a solemn accord. It will be published shortly.
9. The provisional statute of economic organization will be revamped on a basis of reorganization of committees with larger representation of small industry and artisans, with revision of their financial administration and their relations with provincial arbitration organisms.
10. The powers, role and organization of the National Food Supply Bureau will be modified according to means which, safeguarding the interests of consumers, permit the authority of the State to make itself felt at the same time on a national and regional basis.
11. I have decided to use the powers given me by Constitutional Act No. 7 to judge those responsible for our disaster. A Council of Justice is created to that effect. It will submit its reports before Oct. 15.
12. In the application of this same Constitutional Act, all Ministers and high officials must swear an oath of fealty to me and engage themselves to carry out duties in their charge for the well-being of the State according to the rules of honor and propriety.
This first series of measures will reassure the French who think only of the well-being of the fatherland.
Prisoners who still are waiting in camps and who are preparing yourselves in silence for the work of national restoration, peasants of France who are gathering harvest in particularly difficult conditions, people of the reserved [occupied] zone who place all your confidence in the unity of France, workmen of our suburbs, deprived of meat and wine and of tobacco and yet so brave, you are the ones I think of. You are the ones to whom I address these French words.
I know by my calling what victory is; I see today what defeat is. I have received the heritage of a wounded France. It is my duty to defend that heritage by maintaining your aspirations and your rights.
In 1917 I put an end to mutiny. In 1940 I put an end to rout. Today I wish to save you from yourselves.
When a man of my age dedicates his person to his country there is no sacrifice that he can evade. His only concern is the public salvation. Remember this:
If a beaten country is divided against itself it dies. If a beaten country can unite it is reborn. Vive la France !
Source : ibiblio.org
Vichy, France, August 12, 1941
[New York Times, August 13, 1941.]
FRENCHMEN!
I have grave things to tell you!
For the last several weeks I have felt an ill wind rising in many regions of France. Disquiet is overtaking minds; doubt is gaining control of spirits. The authority of my government is made the subject of discussion; orders are often being ill executed.
In an atmosphere of false rumors and intrigues, the forces of reconstruction are growing discouraged. Others are trying to take their place without their nobleness or disinterestedness. My sponsorship is too often involved, even against the government, to justify self-styled undertakings of salvation which, in fact, amount to nothing more than appeals for indiscipline.
A real uneasiness inflicts the French nation. The reasons for this uneasiness are easy to understand. Cruel hours are always followed by difficult times.
While at the frontiers of the nation--which defeat has put out of action but whose empire leaves her vulnerable--the war goes on, ravaging new continents every day, everybody wonders with anguish about the future of our country.
Some feel themselves betrayed; others think they are abandoned. Some wonder where their duty lies; others first seek their own interest.
The London radio and certain French newspapers add to this confusion of minds. The sense of national interest in the end loses in justice and vigor. From this disorder of ideas springs disorder of affairs. Is this, indeed, the fate France has deserved after thirteen months of calm, of work, of incontestable revival?
Frenchmen, I put this question to you. I ask you to measure its scope and answer it in the confines of your consciences.
Our relations with Germany have been defined by an armistice convention tile character of which could only be provisional. Dragging out this situation makes it that much harder to support in so far as it governs relations between two great nations.
As for collaboration--offered in the month of October, 1940, by the Chancellor of the Reich under conditions that made me appreciate their deference--it was a long-term labor and has not yet been able to bear all its fruits.
We must be able to overcome a heavy heritage of distrust handed down by centuries of dissensions and quarrels and to turn ourselves toward broad perspectives that can open up a reconciled continent to our activity.
That is the goal toward which we are heading; but it is an immense labor, which requires on our part as much will as it does patience. Other tasks absorb the German Government, gigantic tasks in developments to the east in defense of a civilization and which can change the map of the world.
As regards Italy, our relations likewise are controlled by an armistice convention. Here again our desires are to escape from these provisional relations to create more stable ties without which the European order cannot be constructed.
I would also recall to the great American republic the reasons why it has no cause to fear a decline of French ideals. Certainly our parliamentary democracy is dead, but it never had more than a few traits in common with the democracy of the United States. As for the instinct of liberty, it still lives within us, proud and strong.
The American press has often misjudged us. Let it now make an effort to comprehend the quality of our souls and the destiny of a nation whose soil, through the course of history has been periodically ravaged, whose youth has been decimated, whose well being has been troubled by the fragility of a Europe in whose reconstruction France intends today to participate.
Our domestic difficulties have sprung above all from troubled minds, from lack of men and from scarcity of products.
Troubled minds do not have as their sole origin the vicissitudes of our foreign policy. They come especially from our slowness in building a new order or, more correctly, in imposing one. The National Revolution, which I outlined in my message last Oct. 11, has not yet taken its place among accomplished facts.
It has not yet forced its way through because between the people and me--who understand one another so well--there has risen a double screen of partisans of the old regime and those serving the trusts.
The troops of the old regime are legion. I rank among them without exception all who place their personal interests ahead of the permanent interests of the State--Freemasonry, political parties deprived of clientele but thirsting for a comeback, officials attached to an order of which they were beneficiaries and masters--or those who have subordinated the interests of the Fatherland to foreign interests.
A long wait will be needed to overcome the resistance of all these opponents of the new order, but we must start in now to smash their undertakings by decimating their leaders.
If France did not understand that she was condemned by the impact of events to change her regime, then she would see open up before her the abyss in which Spain of 1936 just missed being swallowed and from which she was saved only by faith, youth and sacrifice.
As for the power of the trusts, it is trying to reassert itself, using for its own ends the institution of Committees of Economic Organization. These committees were created, however, to rectify the errors of capitalism. They had in addition the purpose of entrusting responsible men with necessary authority to negotiate with Germany and assure equitable distribution of raw materials indispensable to our factories.
The choice of members for these committees was difficult. It was not always possible to find impartiality and competence united within the same minds. These provisional bodies created under the sway of a pressing need have been too numerous, too centralized and too unwieldy. The big corporations assumed too much authority and often inadmissible control.
In the light of experience, I shall correct the work I have undertaken, and I shall renew against a selfish and blind capitalism that struggle which the sovereigns of France waged and won against feudalism. I shall see to it that France is rid of the most despicable tutelage, that of money.
Irresponsible trade organizations, governed by commercial considerations, have too long been directing our food supply. I already have taken sanctions and struck at an entire system in the person of a single man: that of national distribution centers which have assured the great commercial agents exclusive and usurious control of all questions of food supply to the detriment of producer and consumer.
We are still suffering, but I do not wish our suffering displayed in front of the scandal of fortunes built out of the general misery. It would be all the more revolting, inasmuch as this nation has in the past year accomplished an immense labor, despite privations of all kinds and under the most difficult conditions.
I have in mind our farmers, who, without laborers, without fertilizer, without sulphate, have succeeded in obtaining results better than those of the year before. I have in mind the miners, who have worked without respite night and day to obtain coal for us. I have in mind all those workers who return from work only to find fireless homes and meagerly set tables.
It is thanks to their unceasing efforts that the life of the country has been able to be maintained, despite defeat. It is with them and through them that we will be able tomorrow to build a France free, powerful and prosperous. Let them wait with me for better times. The trials of France will have an end.
As for the lack of man power, that is due above all to the absence of those who are prisoners. As long as more than a million Frenchmen, comprising the young and vigorous elements of the nation and the best section of its elite, remain outside of the country's activities, it will be difficult to build a new and lasting edifice. Their return will make it possible to fill the great gap from which we suffer. Their spirit, strengthened by camp life, matured by long reflection, will become the best cement of the National Revolution.
And yet, in spite of these difficulties the future of our country is being built with a precision that becomes more assured every day.
The family, communities, trades, provinces will be pillars of the constitution at which the best workers for our reconstruction are laboring tirelessly. Its preamble will open up clear perspectives for the future of France.
Our most recent reforms are being made the object of methodical revision, the outline of which will appear clearer as soon as legislative texts have been simplified and codified.
But lawmaking and building are not enough. Governing is needed. It is both the necessity and the will of the whole people.
France cannot really be governed except from Paris. I cannot yet return there, and I shall not return there until certain facilities are offered me.
France cannot be governed except without the assent of public opinion--an assent more necessary than ever in the authoritarian regime.
This public opinion is today divided. France cannot be governed unless the initiative of her chief finds corresponding exactness and faithfulness in the bodies transmitting it. This exactness and faithfulness are still lacking.
France, however, cannot wait. A nation like ours, forged in the crucible of races and passions, proud and courageous, as ready for sacrifice as for violence and ever bristling when its honor is at stake, needs certainties, space and discipline.
The government's problem thus goes far beyond the framework of a simple ministerial change. It demands above all the unqualified maintenance of certain principles.
Authority no longer emanates from below. The only authority is that which I entrust or delegate.
I delegated it in the first place to Admiral Darlan, to whom public opinion has not always been favorable or fair, but who has ever helped me with loyalty and courage.
I have given him the Ministry of National Defense in order that he may exercise more direct control on all our land, sea and air forces.
To my government I shall leave the necessary initiative, but in various fields I intend to trace for it a very clear line. This is what I have decided:
1. Activity of political parties and groups of political origin is suspended until further notice in the unoccupied zone. These parties may no longer hold either public or private meetings. They must cease any distribution of tracts or notices. Those that fail to conform to these decisions will be dissolved.
2. Payment of Members of Parliament is suppressed as of Sept. 30.
3. The first disciplinary sanctions against State officials guilty of false declarations regarding membership in secret societies has been ordered. The names of officials have been published this morning in the Journal Officiel Holders of high Masonic degrees--of which the first list has just been published--may no longer exercise any public function.
4. The Legion of War Veterans remains the best instrument in the free zone of the National Revolution. But it is able to carry out its civil task only by remaining in all ranks subordinate to the government.
5. I will double the means of police action, whose discipline and loyalty should guarantee public order.
6. A group of Commissars of Public Power is created. These high officials will be charged with studying the spirit in which the laws, decrees, orders and instructions of the central power will be carried out. They will have the mission of ferreting out and destroying obstacles which abuse of the rules of administrative routine or activity of secret societies can oppose to the work of National Revolution.
7. Powers of regional prefects, the first units of those who will be Governors of provinces in the France of tomorrow, will be reenforced. Their power, so far as the central administration is concerned, is increased. Their authority over all heads of local services is direct and complete.
8. The labor charter designed to regulate, according to the principles of my St. Etienne speech, relations among workers, artisans, technicians and employers in an agreement reached with mutual understanding, has resulted in a solemn accord. It will be published shortly.
9. The provisional statute of economic organization will be revamped on a basis of reorganization of committees with larger representation of small industry and artisans, with revision of their financial administration and their relations with provincial arbitration organisms.
10. The powers, role and organization of the National Food Supply Bureau will be modified according to means which, safeguarding the interests of consumers, permit the authority of the State to make itself felt at the same time on a national and regional basis.
11. I have decided to use the powers given me by Constitutional Act No. 7 to judge those responsible for our disaster. A Council of Justice is created to that effect. It will submit its reports before Oct. 15.
12. In the application of this same Constitutional Act, all Ministers and high officials must swear an oath of fealty to me and engage themselves to carry out duties in their charge for the well-being of the State according to the rules of honor and propriety.
This first series of measures will reassure the French who think only of the well-being of the fatherland.
Prisoners who still are waiting in camps and who are preparing yourselves in silence for the work of national restoration, peasants of France who are gathering harvest in particularly difficult conditions, people of the reserved [occupied] zone who place all your confidence in the unity of France, workmen of our suburbs, deprived of meat and wine and of tobacco and yet so brave, you are the ones I think of. You are the ones to whom I address these French words.
I know by my calling what victory is; I see today what defeat is. I have received the heritage of a wounded France. It is my duty to defend that heritage by maintaining your aspirations and your rights.
In 1917 I put an end to mutiny. In 1940 I put an end to rout. Today I wish to save you from yourselves.
When a man of my age dedicates his person to his country there is no sacrifice that he can evade. His only concern is the public salvation. Remember this:
If a beaten country is divided against itself it dies. If a beaten country can unite it is reborn. Vive la France !
Source : ibiblio.org
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Re: Français, vous avez la mémoire courte!
MARSHAL PETAIN'S SPEECH TO THE FRENCH PEOPLE
Vichy, France, May 15, 1941
[New York Times, May 16. 1941.]
FRENCHMEN:
You have learned that Admiral Darlan recently conferred with Chancellor Hitler. I had approved this meeting in principle. The new interview permits us to light up the road into the future and to continue the conversations that had been begun with the German Government.
It is no longer a question today of public opinion, often uneasy and badly informed, being able to estimate the chances we are taking or measure the risks we take or judge our acts.
For you, the French people, it is simply a question of following me without mental reservation along the path of honor and national interest.
If through our close discipline and our public spirit we can conduct the negotiations in progress, France will surmount her defeat and preserve in the world her rank as a European and colonial power.
That, my dear friends, is all that I have to say to you today.
Source : ibiblio.org
_
Vichy, France, May 15, 1941
[New York Times, May 16. 1941.]
FRENCHMEN:
You have learned that Admiral Darlan recently conferred with Chancellor Hitler. I had approved this meeting in principle. The new interview permits us to light up the road into the future and to continue the conversations that had been begun with the German Government.
It is no longer a question today of public opinion, often uneasy and badly informed, being able to estimate the chances we are taking or measure the risks we take or judge our acts.
For you, the French people, it is simply a question of following me without mental reservation along the path of honor and national interest.
If through our close discipline and our public spirit we can conduct the negotiations in progress, France will surmount her defeat and preserve in the world her rank as a European and colonial power.
That, my dear friends, is all that I have to say to you today.
Source : ibiblio.org
_
« Vae caecis ducentibus, vae caecis sequentibus !
[Malheur aux aveugles qui mènent ! Malheur aux aveugles qui suivent !] » Saint Augustin.
« On sait par quelle fatalité les grands talents sont, pour l’ordinaire, plus rivaux qu’amis ; ils croissent et brillent séparés, de peur de se faire ombrage : les moutons s’attroupent, et les lions s’isolent. » Comte A. de Rivarol.
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Re: Français, vous avez la mémoire courte!
VICE PREMIER DARLAN'S BROADCAST TO THE FRENCH PEOPLE
Vichy, France, May 23, 1941
[New York Times, May 24, 1941.]
FRENCHMEN:
You have already heard our Chief, Marshal Petain, tell you that it was with his approval that I went at the invitation of Chancellor Hitler and that conversations between the Chief of the German Reich and myself had been approved by him and by the Government.
The Marshal, having given me the undoubted honor of designating me as his second in his heavy task, I have come to bring you details which you have been impatiently awaiting.
The Chancellor did not ask me to hand over our fleet to him. Every one knows-and the English better than any one-that I will never hand it over.
The Chancellor did not ask me for any colonial territory. He did not ask me to declare war on England.
Why has he acted so?
Germany began the war alone and judges herself able to end it alone against no matter what coalition.
At no moment in the conversations was there any question of France abandoning in any way her sovereignty.
France freely is choosing the road she is taking. On her depends her present and her future. She will have the peace which she makes herself. She will have the place in the organization of Europe which she will have made for herself.
Remember-some seem to have forgotten-that France has suffered the gravest defeat in her history, that three-fifths of her continental territory has been occupied, that we have a million and a half prisoners.
This defeat was due to our past errors. From 1919 to 1939 our governments and our legislative assemblies stored up errors and let themselves be led to defend interests which were not our own to the detriment of our own.
Domestically, they permitted sabotage of morale of the nation; they legalized laziness and disorder.
Abroad they carried out an incoherent policy; they made us the protectors of small European powers without having been capable of forging the indispensable arms for carrying out that mission.
They decided to give aid to every one, which made necessary a powerful offensive army. Our governments and our assemblies, however, only gave the country a defensive army.
Not having known how to prepare for war, either morally or materially, our governments nevertheless declared it. We lost it because of the mistakes and weakness of those who led us into it.
And it is as a result of the indescribable débâcle of which many of you have horrible memories, it is as a result of the defection of our former allies, it is as a result of the default of the government which declared it was ready to continue the fight without having the means, but which in reality only thought of flight, that the Marshal was called to take the destiny of the country in his hands and ask an honorable armistice.
In June, 1940, the victor could have refused us an armistice, beaten us and wiped France off the map of the world. They did not do it. In May, 1941, the victor has agreed to negotiate with the French Government.
Since the Montoire interview, during which the principle of collaboration was decided, France has shown by acts her desire to continue that policy.
These are acts which determined Chancellor Hitler to grant us ameliorations of the consequences of defeat and of the conditions of the armistice which you just learned.
Listen well to my words.
On the result of the negotiations in course directly depends the future of France. It is necessary for her to choose between life and death. The Marshal and the Government have chosen life.
Your duty is clearly traced: follow the Marshal, aid him with all your force, as I am doing in his work of national restoration.
Like him and like me, in your thoughts and in your acts, be inspired only by the interests of France.
Source : ibiblio.org
_
Vichy, France, May 23, 1941
[New York Times, May 24, 1941.]
FRENCHMEN:
You have already heard our Chief, Marshal Petain, tell you that it was with his approval that I went at the invitation of Chancellor Hitler and that conversations between the Chief of the German Reich and myself had been approved by him and by the Government.
The Marshal, having given me the undoubted honor of designating me as his second in his heavy task, I have come to bring you details which you have been impatiently awaiting.
The Chancellor did not ask me to hand over our fleet to him. Every one knows-and the English better than any one-that I will never hand it over.
The Chancellor did not ask me for any colonial territory. He did not ask me to declare war on England.
Why has he acted so?
Germany began the war alone and judges herself able to end it alone against no matter what coalition.
At no moment in the conversations was there any question of France abandoning in any way her sovereignty.
France freely is choosing the road she is taking. On her depends her present and her future. She will have the peace which she makes herself. She will have the place in the organization of Europe which she will have made for herself.
Remember-some seem to have forgotten-that France has suffered the gravest defeat in her history, that three-fifths of her continental territory has been occupied, that we have a million and a half prisoners.
This defeat was due to our past errors. From 1919 to 1939 our governments and our legislative assemblies stored up errors and let themselves be led to defend interests which were not our own to the detriment of our own.
Domestically, they permitted sabotage of morale of the nation; they legalized laziness and disorder.
Abroad they carried out an incoherent policy; they made us the protectors of small European powers without having been capable of forging the indispensable arms for carrying out that mission.
They decided to give aid to every one, which made necessary a powerful offensive army. Our governments and our assemblies, however, only gave the country a defensive army.
Not having known how to prepare for war, either morally or materially, our governments nevertheless declared it. We lost it because of the mistakes and weakness of those who led us into it.
And it is as a result of the indescribable débâcle of which many of you have horrible memories, it is as a result of the defection of our former allies, it is as a result of the default of the government which declared it was ready to continue the fight without having the means, but which in reality only thought of flight, that the Marshal was called to take the destiny of the country in his hands and ask an honorable armistice.
In June, 1940, the victor could have refused us an armistice, beaten us and wiped France off the map of the world. They did not do it. In May, 1941, the victor has agreed to negotiate with the French Government.
Since the Montoire interview, during which the principle of collaboration was decided, France has shown by acts her desire to continue that policy.
These are acts which determined Chancellor Hitler to grant us ameliorations of the consequences of defeat and of the conditions of the armistice which you just learned.
Listen well to my words.
On the result of the negotiations in course directly depends the future of France. It is necessary for her to choose between life and death. The Marshal and the Government have chosen life.
Your duty is clearly traced: follow the Marshal, aid him with all your force, as I am doing in his work of national restoration.
Like him and like me, in your thoughts and in your acts, be inspired only by the interests of France.
Source : ibiblio.org
_
« Vae caecis ducentibus, vae caecis sequentibus !
[Malheur aux aveugles qui mènent ! Malheur aux aveugles qui suivent !] » Saint Augustin.
« On sait par quelle fatalité les grands talents sont, pour l’ordinaire, plus rivaux qu’amis ; ils croissent et brillent séparés, de peur de se faire ombrage : les moutons s’attroupent, et les lions s’isolent. » Comte A. de Rivarol.
Re: Français, vous avez la mémoire courte!
Merci pour les articles en Anglais Prod' 
Kevin
Kevin
"Les racines de l'apostasie moderne réside dans l'athéisme scientifique, le matérialisme dialectique, rationalisme, illuminisme, la laïcité et la franc-maçonnerie, qui est la mère de tous." - Pape Pie XII -
Re: Français, vous avez la mémoire courte!
Kevin
"Les racines de l'apostasie moderne réside dans l'athéisme scientifique, le matérialisme dialectique, rationalisme, illuminisme, la laïcité et la franc-maçonnerie, qui est la mère de tous." - Pape Pie XII -
Re: Français, vous avez la mémoire courte!
Crusader a écrit :Une autre anecdote raconte qu'alors que les deux partis se mettaient d'accord sur les conditions de l'armistice, Hermann Göring présent pendant une partie des discussions entra dans une colère noire face aux exigences du Maréchal, au point de lui crier en pleine séances "MAIS ENFIN, QUI EST-CE QUI A GAGNE LA GUERRE AU BOUT DU COMPTE, VOUS OU NOUS?"
Reportage Allemand sur le recontre Goering-Petain en Decembre 1941
http://fr.youtube.com/watch?v=_ZFLZDuczyA
Kevin
"Les racines de l'apostasie moderne réside dans l'athéisme scientifique, le matérialisme dialectique, rationalisme, illuminisme, la laïcité et la franc-maçonnerie, qui est la mère de tous." - Pape Pie XII -
Re: Français, vous avez la mémoire courte!
Kevin
"Les racines de l'apostasie moderne réside dans l'athéisme scientifique, le matérialisme dialectique, rationalisme, illuminisme, la laïcité et la franc-maçonnerie, qui est la mère de tous." - Pape Pie XII -
Re: Français, vous avez la mémoire courte!
Kevin
"Les racines de l'apostasie moderne réside dans l'athéisme scientifique, le matérialisme dialectique, rationalisme, illuminisme, la laïcité et la franc-maçonnerie, qui est la mère de tous." - Pape Pie XII -
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Pat
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Re: Français, vous avez la mémoire courte!
Histoire : la reculade de Bordeaux
Maurice Papon, et plus encore ses défenseurs, ont renoncé à utiliser un argument de poids pour leur défense : savoir, que l'Union générale des israélites de France (UGlF), qui dépendait de Vichy, avait contribué à l'internement et à l'acheminement de juifs pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, y compris à la rafle du 16 juillet 1942. Ce qui signifie bien évidemment que l'on ignorait alors ce qu'on a nommé depuis la solution finale. Et ce qui donne une autre idée de la complexité de la politique de Vichy envers les juifs, du statut de ceux-ci sous l'Occupation, et des responsabilités de l'administration.
R F nous écrit une lettre à ce sujet, que nous reproduisons bien volontiers, en y ajoutant nos titre et intertitres. Son opinion est qu'en criminalisant (pour des motifs tactiques ?) Vichy de manière simpliste, Jean-Marc Varaut a rendu immanquable la condamnation de son client.
Les peines infligées à Maurice Papon ne devraient pas vous surprendre. Pendant six mois, son principal avocat, Jean-Marc Varaut, a exprimé l'horreur que lui inspirait le régime « criminel» de Vichy en même temps qu'il décrivait son client, haut fonctionnaire de ce régime «criminel», comme un parfait innocent : « Si c'était le procès de "Vichy" », répétait-il, « je serais partie civile » et il défendait un ancien haut fonctionnaire de «Vichy» ! A quel juré, à quelle personne de sens commun peut-on faire admettre un tel paradoxe ?
S'il faut en croire le compte rendu du Monde (2 avril), voici les termes que, dans sa seule plaidoirie du 31 mars, cet avocat a utilisés au sujet de la politique de «Vichy» à l'égard des juifs de Bordeaux : «répulsion», «honte», «déshonneur», «horreur», «dégoût», «étonnement», «incompréhension». Après un tel déferlement, comment remonter la pente ? Comment faire admettre aux jurés qu'un haut fonctionnaire a pu, sans se salir, rester au service d'un tel régime pendant plusieurs années ? Quand l'enfer est décrit sous de pareilles couleurs, à qui fera-t-on croire qu'un ange habitait cet enfer-là ?
Les juges et les jurés ont tiré la conclusion que M. Papon s'était forcément sali.
Relations distantes et courtoises
Les juges et les jurés ont certainement noté que J.M. Varaut tenait à marquer physiquement ses distances d'avec son client et manifestait une étonnante cordialité avec la plupart des avocats de la partie civile. On a pu le constater à la télévision et la presse l'a relevé. Un journaliste du Monde a écrit en propres termes : « Jean-Marc Varaut aime à marquer quelques distances avec son client » (16-17 novembre) ; de son côté, un journaliste du Figaro a noté : « L'avocat entretient avec son client des relations distantes et courtoises » avant d'ajouter que « le tempérament consensuel » de Me Varaut lui a permis de partager « pendant neuf ans un cabinet avec Me Roland Dumas » (30 mars).
La presse nous a également appris que J .M. Varaut redoutait l'intervention finale de son client (Le Monde, 10 mars). Et pour cause ! Dans cette intervention, M. Papon a été clair, courageux et franc ; il a dit au jury que les deux seules décisions possibles étaient soit la réclusion à la perpétuité, soit l'acquittement.
Mais comment aurait-il pu en quelques minutes convaincre les jurés ? Le mal était fait.
Pendant tout un procès, long de six mois, et en particulier dans sa plaidoirie, J-M. Varaut s'est prudemment abstenu de recourir à une bonne partie de l'argumentation, solide et efficace, qu'il avait annoncée deux ans auparavant dans un article du Monde intitulé : « L'affaire Papon n'est pas ce que l'on dit » (29 février 1996). A l'époque il écrivait :
« [Le rôle de M. Papon] fut analogue à celui des délégués de l'Union générale des Israélites de France [UGIF] à Bordeaux qui assuraient l'intendance des convois, et bien moindre que ceux du chef [juif] du camp de Drancy et de ses cadres, juifs français qui assuraient le triage, le fichage et la composition des trains de déportés vers l'Est, qui distinguaient eux aussi, pour privilégier les premiers, les juifs français et les juifs étrangers ! »
Au procès, J.M. Varaut n'a pas vraiment ouvert, ces deux boîtes de Pandore : soit celle de l'UGIF et des « juifs bruns » soit celle de Drancy et du gouvernement de ce camp par les juifs (Robert Blum signait ses notes, y compris celles relatives à la préparation des convois de déportation : « Le lieutenant-colonel Blum, commandant le camp de Drancy »). J.M. Varaut s'est abstenu de rappeler que l'UGIF avait participé à la préparation de la rafle du Vél' d'hiv' en juillet 1942. Dans son ardeur à noircir Vichy, il a grandement minimisé l'interposition de l'Etat français aussi bien dans les déportations des juifs que dans le règlement, en faveur des juifs, de conflit.;; avec les autorités allemandes : par exemple, lorsque, à la suite d'attentats contre des soldats allemands, les juifs s'étaient vu infliger une amende de 1 milliard (soit 1 milliard et demi d'aujourd'hui), le Maréchal Pétain et Xavier Vallat étaient immédiatement intervenus pour faire verser cette somme par le Syndicat des banques, avec promesse de remboursement du total par l'UGIF... dans les 99 ans à venir ! Certaines sommités du Grand Rabbinat et du Consistoire central ainsi que des responsables d'autres organisations juives entretenaient d'excellentes relations avec le maréchal Pétain ou de hauts fonctionnaire de Vichy. Dans Le Monde juif (sept.déc. 1996, p. 97), on lit sous la plume de Simon Schwarzfuchs : « On peut d'ailleurs considérer que les diverses communautés [juives de France] ne furent pas mécontentes du rôle joué par leurs rabbins durant l'Occupation; la très grande majorité n'avaient pas songé à quitter leur poste pour la Suisse ou l'Espagne, ni même pour la clandestinité. Les services religieux furent régulièrement célébrés partout où le nombre et la disponibilité des fidèles le justifiaient. A Paris, la plupart des grandes synagogues étaient restées ouvertes pendant toutes les hostilités. » Après la Libération, les juifs qui auraient dû tomber sous le coup de la loi pour collaboration avec l'ennemi échappèrent au sort commun et furent blanchis par des « tribunaux d'honneur » uniquement composés de leurs coreligionnaires. « A cette époque, Léon Meiss [haut magistrat juif] dut [ ... ] s'occuper de la liquidation morale de l'UGIF. Des jurys d' honneur eurent à connaître des reproches faits à certains de ses dirigeants. A la fin du compte, ils furent tous plus ou moins réhabilités. Il n'y eut pas d'épuration au sein du judaïsme » (Ibid., p.100).
J.M. Varaut aurait pu montrer que son client était poursuivi pour des «crimes» infiniment moins graves que ceux de l' UGIF qui, elle, ne s'était pas contentée de coopérer indirectement à des rafles et à des mises en camps de rétention ou de transit mais était allée jusqu'à livrer à l'occupant des enfants juifs pour leur déportation (Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, Yad Vashem, IV, p.1538). On dit souvent que, sans la police française, les Allemands n'auraient pas pu mener à bien leur politique de refoulement de certains juifs vers l'Est ; mais ce qui était vrai de la police française était encore plus vrai de beaucoup de juifs français, y compris de la « police juive » de Drancy appelée parfois la «Gestapolack» ; ce sobriquet désignait les « M.S. » ou membres, masculins ou féminins, du « Service de surveillance intérieur » pourtant essentiellement composé de Français juifs (Maurice Rajfus, Drancy, Manyà, 1991, p.198).
lM. Vamut aurait même pu se dispenser d'écrire toute une partie de sa plaidoirie, II lui aurait suffi de demander au département des Hauts-de-Seine communication des archives du Consistoire central ou de réclamer les archives des « tribunaux d'honneur » de 1944-1945 ; il y aurait certainement trouvé des éléments de défense et des arguments déjà tout écrits, qu'il aurait pu utiliser à Bordeaux en 1997-1998 en remplaçant le nom de tel haut fonctionnaire juif par le nom de son client. Il aurait conclu par une question : « Quelle est cette justice qui permet d'absoudre un "crime" à chaud et de le punir à froid un demi-siècle plus tard ? Est-ce la justice de la paille et de la poutre ? »
Pourquoi cette "reculade" ?
J.M. Varaut étant hostile au révisionnisme, on ne pouvait lui demander d'utiliser l'argumentation révisionniste mais pourquoi a-t-il renoncé en 1997-1998 à une argumentation classique qu'il annonçait en février 1996 et que les parties civiles redoutaient tant de le voir employer ? Je serais curieux de savoir s'il existe une raison précise à cette «reculade»...
Car J.M. Varaut a «reculé». Un avocat des parties civiles lui en a même fait la remarque. Un journaliste du Monde le rapporte (13 mars) :
« Puis, [Me Blet] vilipende, par avance, les thèses de la défense : l'interposition de l'administration française dans les déportations des juifs ? "C'est du révisionnisme !" Me Varaut ne bronche pas. La participation des juifs à la gestion du camp de Drancy ? "Vous atteignez l'ignoble !" Et puis : "Heureusement, vous avez reculé" . Me Varaut opine de la tête. ».
Effectivement J.M. Varaut a trop souvent «reculé» et «opiné ».
Selon France-lnfo, M. Papon se verrait réclamer la somme de six millions de francs par ses avocats. J'ignore si, condamné par ailleurs à verser 4 600 000 F aux parties civiles, il sera en mesure de payer son dû. Heureusement pour lui, J.M. Varaut compte actuellement parmi ses clients de riches représentants de la communauté, en particulier Maurice Msellatti-Casanova et son fils Charles, propriétaire du Fouquet's (Libération, 2 décembre 1997).
Personnellement, malgré les graves divergences qui nous séparent, j'avais fait tenir à J .M. Varaut bien des informations ou des documents propres à l'aider dans la défense - classique et non révisionniste - de son client (en particulier, un texte que j'avais intitulé : « Maurice Papon et Yves Jouffa : deux poids deux mesures ? »). S'il n'en a pas fait usage, c'est de propos délibéré et pour des raisons que j'ignore.
R. F National Hebdo du 9 au 15 avril 1998
Maurice Papon, et plus encore ses défenseurs, ont renoncé à utiliser un argument de poids pour leur défense : savoir, que l'Union générale des israélites de France (UGlF), qui dépendait de Vichy, avait contribué à l'internement et à l'acheminement de juifs pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, y compris à la rafle du 16 juillet 1942. Ce qui signifie bien évidemment que l'on ignorait alors ce qu'on a nommé depuis la solution finale. Et ce qui donne une autre idée de la complexité de la politique de Vichy envers les juifs, du statut de ceux-ci sous l'Occupation, et des responsabilités de l'administration.
R F nous écrit une lettre à ce sujet, que nous reproduisons bien volontiers, en y ajoutant nos titre et intertitres. Son opinion est qu'en criminalisant (pour des motifs tactiques ?) Vichy de manière simpliste, Jean-Marc Varaut a rendu immanquable la condamnation de son client.
Les peines infligées à Maurice Papon ne devraient pas vous surprendre. Pendant six mois, son principal avocat, Jean-Marc Varaut, a exprimé l'horreur que lui inspirait le régime « criminel» de Vichy en même temps qu'il décrivait son client, haut fonctionnaire de ce régime «criminel», comme un parfait innocent : « Si c'était le procès de "Vichy" », répétait-il, « je serais partie civile » et il défendait un ancien haut fonctionnaire de «Vichy» ! A quel juré, à quelle personne de sens commun peut-on faire admettre un tel paradoxe ?
S'il faut en croire le compte rendu du Monde (2 avril), voici les termes que, dans sa seule plaidoirie du 31 mars, cet avocat a utilisés au sujet de la politique de «Vichy» à l'égard des juifs de Bordeaux : «répulsion», «honte», «déshonneur», «horreur», «dégoût», «étonnement», «incompréhension». Après un tel déferlement, comment remonter la pente ? Comment faire admettre aux jurés qu'un haut fonctionnaire a pu, sans se salir, rester au service d'un tel régime pendant plusieurs années ? Quand l'enfer est décrit sous de pareilles couleurs, à qui fera-t-on croire qu'un ange habitait cet enfer-là ?
Les juges et les jurés ont tiré la conclusion que M. Papon s'était forcément sali.
Relations distantes et courtoises
Les juges et les jurés ont certainement noté que J.M. Varaut tenait à marquer physiquement ses distances d'avec son client et manifestait une étonnante cordialité avec la plupart des avocats de la partie civile. On a pu le constater à la télévision et la presse l'a relevé. Un journaliste du Monde a écrit en propres termes : « Jean-Marc Varaut aime à marquer quelques distances avec son client » (16-17 novembre) ; de son côté, un journaliste du Figaro a noté : « L'avocat entretient avec son client des relations distantes et courtoises » avant d'ajouter que « le tempérament consensuel » de Me Varaut lui a permis de partager « pendant neuf ans un cabinet avec Me Roland Dumas » (30 mars).
La presse nous a également appris que J .M. Varaut redoutait l'intervention finale de son client (Le Monde, 10 mars). Et pour cause ! Dans cette intervention, M. Papon a été clair, courageux et franc ; il a dit au jury que les deux seules décisions possibles étaient soit la réclusion à la perpétuité, soit l'acquittement.
Mais comment aurait-il pu en quelques minutes convaincre les jurés ? Le mal était fait.
Pendant tout un procès, long de six mois, et en particulier dans sa plaidoirie, J-M. Varaut s'est prudemment abstenu de recourir à une bonne partie de l'argumentation, solide et efficace, qu'il avait annoncée deux ans auparavant dans un article du Monde intitulé : « L'affaire Papon n'est pas ce que l'on dit » (29 février 1996). A l'époque il écrivait :
« [Le rôle de M. Papon] fut analogue à celui des délégués de l'Union générale des Israélites de France [UGIF] à Bordeaux qui assuraient l'intendance des convois, et bien moindre que ceux du chef [juif] du camp de Drancy et de ses cadres, juifs français qui assuraient le triage, le fichage et la composition des trains de déportés vers l'Est, qui distinguaient eux aussi, pour privilégier les premiers, les juifs français et les juifs étrangers ! »
Au procès, J.M. Varaut n'a pas vraiment ouvert, ces deux boîtes de Pandore : soit celle de l'UGIF et des « juifs bruns » soit celle de Drancy et du gouvernement de ce camp par les juifs (Robert Blum signait ses notes, y compris celles relatives à la préparation des convois de déportation : « Le lieutenant-colonel Blum, commandant le camp de Drancy »). J.M. Varaut s'est abstenu de rappeler que l'UGIF avait participé à la préparation de la rafle du Vél' d'hiv' en juillet 1942. Dans son ardeur à noircir Vichy, il a grandement minimisé l'interposition de l'Etat français aussi bien dans les déportations des juifs que dans le règlement, en faveur des juifs, de conflit.;; avec les autorités allemandes : par exemple, lorsque, à la suite d'attentats contre des soldats allemands, les juifs s'étaient vu infliger une amende de 1 milliard (soit 1 milliard et demi d'aujourd'hui), le Maréchal Pétain et Xavier Vallat étaient immédiatement intervenus pour faire verser cette somme par le Syndicat des banques, avec promesse de remboursement du total par l'UGIF... dans les 99 ans à venir ! Certaines sommités du Grand Rabbinat et du Consistoire central ainsi que des responsables d'autres organisations juives entretenaient d'excellentes relations avec le maréchal Pétain ou de hauts fonctionnaire de Vichy. Dans Le Monde juif (sept.déc. 1996, p. 97), on lit sous la plume de Simon Schwarzfuchs : « On peut d'ailleurs considérer que les diverses communautés [juives de France] ne furent pas mécontentes du rôle joué par leurs rabbins durant l'Occupation; la très grande majorité n'avaient pas songé à quitter leur poste pour la Suisse ou l'Espagne, ni même pour la clandestinité. Les services religieux furent régulièrement célébrés partout où le nombre et la disponibilité des fidèles le justifiaient. A Paris, la plupart des grandes synagogues étaient restées ouvertes pendant toutes les hostilités. » Après la Libération, les juifs qui auraient dû tomber sous le coup de la loi pour collaboration avec l'ennemi échappèrent au sort commun et furent blanchis par des « tribunaux d'honneur » uniquement composés de leurs coreligionnaires. « A cette époque, Léon Meiss [haut magistrat juif] dut [ ... ] s'occuper de la liquidation morale de l'UGIF. Des jurys d' honneur eurent à connaître des reproches faits à certains de ses dirigeants. A la fin du compte, ils furent tous plus ou moins réhabilités. Il n'y eut pas d'épuration au sein du judaïsme » (Ibid., p.100).
J.M. Varaut aurait pu montrer que son client était poursuivi pour des «crimes» infiniment moins graves que ceux de l' UGIF qui, elle, ne s'était pas contentée de coopérer indirectement à des rafles et à des mises en camps de rétention ou de transit mais était allée jusqu'à livrer à l'occupant des enfants juifs pour leur déportation (Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, Yad Vashem, IV, p.1538). On dit souvent que, sans la police française, les Allemands n'auraient pas pu mener à bien leur politique de refoulement de certains juifs vers l'Est ; mais ce qui était vrai de la police française était encore plus vrai de beaucoup de juifs français, y compris de la « police juive » de Drancy appelée parfois la «Gestapolack» ; ce sobriquet désignait les « M.S. » ou membres, masculins ou féminins, du « Service de surveillance intérieur » pourtant essentiellement composé de Français juifs (Maurice Rajfus, Drancy, Manyà, 1991, p.198).
lM. Vamut aurait même pu se dispenser d'écrire toute une partie de sa plaidoirie, II lui aurait suffi de demander au département des Hauts-de-Seine communication des archives du Consistoire central ou de réclamer les archives des « tribunaux d'honneur » de 1944-1945 ; il y aurait certainement trouvé des éléments de défense et des arguments déjà tout écrits, qu'il aurait pu utiliser à Bordeaux en 1997-1998 en remplaçant le nom de tel haut fonctionnaire juif par le nom de son client. Il aurait conclu par une question : « Quelle est cette justice qui permet d'absoudre un "crime" à chaud et de le punir à froid un demi-siècle plus tard ? Est-ce la justice de la paille et de la poutre ? »
Pourquoi cette "reculade" ?
J.M. Varaut étant hostile au révisionnisme, on ne pouvait lui demander d'utiliser l'argumentation révisionniste mais pourquoi a-t-il renoncé en 1997-1998 à une argumentation classique qu'il annonçait en février 1996 et que les parties civiles redoutaient tant de le voir employer ? Je serais curieux de savoir s'il existe une raison précise à cette «reculade»...
Car J.M. Varaut a «reculé». Un avocat des parties civiles lui en a même fait la remarque. Un journaliste du Monde le rapporte (13 mars) :
« Puis, [Me Blet] vilipende, par avance, les thèses de la défense : l'interposition de l'administration française dans les déportations des juifs ? "C'est du révisionnisme !" Me Varaut ne bronche pas. La participation des juifs à la gestion du camp de Drancy ? "Vous atteignez l'ignoble !" Et puis : "Heureusement, vous avez reculé" . Me Varaut opine de la tête. ».
Effectivement J.M. Varaut a trop souvent «reculé» et «opiné ».
Selon France-lnfo, M. Papon se verrait réclamer la somme de six millions de francs par ses avocats. J'ignore si, condamné par ailleurs à verser 4 600 000 F aux parties civiles, il sera en mesure de payer son dû. Heureusement pour lui, J.M. Varaut compte actuellement parmi ses clients de riches représentants de la communauté, en particulier Maurice Msellatti-Casanova et son fils Charles, propriétaire du Fouquet's (Libération, 2 décembre 1997).
Personnellement, malgré les graves divergences qui nous séparent, j'avais fait tenir à J .M. Varaut bien des informations ou des documents propres à l'aider dans la défense - classique et non révisionniste - de son client (en particulier, un texte que j'avais intitulé : « Maurice Papon et Yves Jouffa : deux poids deux mesures ? »). S'il n'en a pas fait usage, c'est de propos délibéré et pour des raisons que j'ignore.
R. F National Hebdo du 9 au 15 avril 1998
Que les hommes d'arme bataillent et que Dieu donne la victoire! (Jeanne d'Arc) Patriotiquement votre.
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Re: Français, vous avez la mémoire courte!
Le Maréchal Pétain est l'un des plus grand héros de notre histoire, mais beaucoup ont oublié ce qu'il a fait pour nous ...
On nous a pris la liberté d'expressions, ils nous reste la liberté de penser ... Vive la France !
http://nationalementvotre.over-blog.com
http://nationalementvotre.over-blog.com
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G-B
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Re: Français, vous avez la mémoire courte!
Albator a écrit :Le Maréchal Pétain est l'un des plus grand héros de notre histoire, mais beaucoup ont oublié ce qu'il a fait pour nous ...
Et Jean-Marie LE PEN tu ne crois pas qu'il mérite un peu plus d'égard ?? Moutons ils sont moutons ils resteront...
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Tireur_isolé
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Re: Français, vous avez la mémoire courte!
G-B a écrit :Et Jean-Marie LE PEN tu ne crois pas qu'il mérite un peu plus d'égard ?? Moutons ils sont moutons ils resteront...
*
_ JMLP appartient encore à l'actualité, pas encore à l'Histoire !
ENFANTS, PROFITEZ DE LA GUERRE !
LA PAIX SERA TERRIBLE !!!
_____________________________
encore un carreau d'cassé, v'là le vitrier qui passe,
encore un carreau d'cassé, v'là le vitrier passé ...
LA PAIX SERA TERRIBLE !!!
_____________________________
encore un carreau d'cassé, v'là le vitrier qui passe,
encore un carreau d'cassé, v'là le vitrier passé ...
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Albator
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Re: Français, vous avez la mémoire courte!
Tireur_isolé a écrit :G-B a écrit :Et Jean-Marie LE PEN tu ne crois pas qu'il mérite un peu plus d'égard ?? Moutons ils sont moutons ils resteront...
*
_ JMLP appartient encore à l'actualité, pas encore à l'Histoire !
Oui tout à fait JMLP est un grand homme que l'histoire n'oubliera pas, enfin espérons ...
On nous a pris la liberté d'expressions, ils nous reste la liberté de penser ... Vive la France !
http://nationalementvotre.over-blog.com
http://nationalementvotre.over-blog.com
-
G-B
- Administrateur principal
- Messages : 36838
- Inscription : 24/03/2006 - 21:59
- Localisation : Ailleurs...
Re: Français, vous avez la mémoire courte!
Tireur_isolé a écrit :G-B a écrit :Et Jean-Marie LE PEN tu ne crois pas qu'il mérite un peu plus d'égard ?? Moutons ils sont moutons ils resteront...
*
_ JMLP appartient encore à l'actualité, pas encore à l'Histoire !
Exact, mais je n'ai pas voulu dire ça dans ce sens là. Mais plutôt, que les moutons ne reconnaissent pas ceux, qui veulent leur bien.
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supergaulois
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Re: Français, vous avez la mémoire courte!
mouton ça rime avec con 
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Tireur_isolé
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Re: Français, vous avez la mémoire courte!
supergaulois a écrit :mouton ça rime avec con
*
_ mais c'est bon dans l'assiette
ENFANTS, PROFITEZ DE LA GUERRE !
LA PAIX SERA TERRIBLE !!!
_____________________________
encore un carreau d'cassé, v'là le vitrier qui passe,
encore un carreau d'cassé, v'là le vitrier passé ...
LA PAIX SERA TERRIBLE !!!
_____________________________
encore un carreau d'cassé, v'là le vitrier qui passe,
encore un carreau d'cassé, v'là le vitrier passé ...
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